Saturday, February 2, 2013

Face Off at Galle Face




It was a splendor to watch the sun set – with the sun fading into the horizon into a ball of orange, illuminating the graying sky with a bright auburn hue, and be lost in the flow of tourists and locals relishing the blissful afternoon mood.

Galle Face was an otherwise deserted strip of beach area in Colombo City when I last saw it in 2009, with military soldiers armed to the teeth manning checkpoints along the roads. That was just after the “end of the 30-year civil war”. Today, it was totally not as I remembered.

Galle Face was now teeming with families, lovers, tourists and traders. The long stretch of lawn was full with children (and adults) flying their kites, playing ball, and vendors selling colorful toys. Parents sat leisurely watching their children as lovers cuddled and whispered, or promenaded, creating a world of their own from the otherwise exultant and noisy crowd.

Along the beach, children and adults frolicked excitedly as the waves caressed the shore with big splashes of cool water. Some were ecstatic, some were frightened, and some were just dipping their feet in the water. Most of them though were dressed from head to toe.

Merchants lined the paved area with stalls and carts, selling mostly food – from ice creams to fries to meals and souvenirs. Of course, they have their famous ‘kottu’ and ‘isso vade’ (pronounced ‘isuwade’), which I certainly tried, and which I topped with a delicious ice cream and then some spiced guavas.

Thursday, January 31, 2013

A Beautiful World of Guns and Roses





Waft of burning cedar filled the air, punctured only by broken scent of trunks of pine. At last, an evening goaded by rest and peace, I embraced the full moon floating brightly above my flowing hair. I sauntered up and down the grassy hill to until feeling my feet swollen, I walked unevenly to the couture grass lawn, next only to middle-class residence that had served as my abode for three days now. “Be staying here for the next five months or so,” I said to myself. “This place should remind me of home, it is where my thoughts shall bloom,” I murmured. With a book resting between my arm and chest, I got myself into a corner, pulled out an old maybe dingy couch, then enthusiastically dropped myself like a bomb. Boom! Just like that, I have built, literally, my niche in Sri Lanka.
       
12:00 midnight. With unobstructed silence, I began poring over page upon page of this tiny crimson-covered book by Grisham. The plot was engaging, so were the words he used to describe each event. I could feel the pain and the twist, even the angular cirrhosis, of a life gone mad. Grisham is really good at picturing people. “The man is a torturer, a savage,” in whispers, I briefly described the hero who was slowly but surely turning into a villain. He represented whom I resented back, well, home.  
      
Bong! Bong! Prack! Prack! Prack! The successive volleys pulled myself back to Colombo. I know that sound! Know it very well.  It is embedded in my mind, in my life. Prackpakaprack prack prack prack! Bang Bang Bang!  It is so near, so close - I could hear the shouts of men – to my home. It is the sound of gunfire - from long firearms.  My heartbeat quickened with the sound of it. My senses intensified as they upped their ante for any sound of stray bullet. I stifled some nervous laughs at the thought of coming to a foreign country just to die. Such a paradox.  A few minutes passed. Then silence.

People have woken up. I hear shouts from the neighbors. Probably checking if everyone was okay. Well I hope everyone is okay.  I hear cars starting up. The sounds now intrude into the eerie silence after the spate of gunfire. But I take comfort in the thought that there is still life. I can still hear the world, I can feel my heartbeat, I can still breathe the air. I am supposed to be in the posh side of the city – within a stone’s throw away from the Prime Minister’s Office, the Russian Embassy, the UAE embassy and other foreign embassies. This is supposed to be a ‘peaceful’, ‘secured’ place.

Only a handful lingered to kibitz. Most have gone back to their homes, ready to resume the sleep that was rudely interrupted. But not a soul seems to want to protest what happened just moments ago. I am in Sri Lanka. Should I have expected this? Perhaps not, not here, not anywhere, not ever. My only wish – whatever happens – bring me home.

“Pero es bello amar al mundo
Con los ojos
De los que no han nacido todavía.”[1] 





[1] Otto Rene Castillo’s “Frente al balance, mañana.” Translated as“But it is beautiful to love the world through the eyes of those who have not yet been born.


Wednesday, December 12, 2012

I've Only Just Begun


I’ve Only Just Begun

When I leave for the Philippines, I will bring back sweet and comforting thoughts of Australia. This country has been my home for the last five months or so, and it certainly has been mission fulfilled for me.

I must admit that when I got admitted to my scholarship at the University of Sydney, I was so sad just thinking of the length of time that I will be away from home. I may have travelled a lot before, but this was the longest time that I would be away from home, and it made me so sad and homesick even before I got on the plane to come here.

However, this sadness and this homesickness that I imagined  never happened when I came here - becauseI I was overwhelmed with so much warm welcomes from friends, relatives and people both from my here and my country. THEY have all made my stay here hospitable and comfortable beyond imagination. I was surrounded by relatives, and friends who shared their joys and laughter, their food and their red wine. I met new friends. I met a wonderful new family in the persons of Janice and Frank Gedra who gave me a home and treated me like their own daughter, to which I am forever grateful. I reconnected with family, and spent rewarding time catching up with them - time which would connect open circles in my life's journey. 


I am sure I will miss Australia - the place and the people I've connected with. When I go to my second semester in Sri Lanka, it might not be as relaxing, consoling and encouraging as being here. I will miss the almost weekly Filipino food at the church, at Granville, and at various different homes. I was never hungry here – both for physical food, spiritual food and emotional food. I will miss the overflowing redwine. I cannot also forget the experience of working as a house cleaner or a nanny at some points during my stay here and was able to gain first hand impressions of the thousands who toil in these kind of works. The experience has given me a deeper understanding of life abroad and how hard it is to survive just to earn some money either to send to our family, or to save for a better life in the Philippines.

My Master’s program has exposed me to new ideas that I can apply to my work as a lawyer and a human rights activist and to my everyday experience as a woman and an indigenous person. I will always go back to the Philippines to be a lawyer for the people, and, to the best that I can, to help the marginalized sectors of our society.

Life back home is not all that rosy. Well, not much has changed. Politicians remain the same – the same surnames run the country. From the President down to the barangay. Life, as it was 20 years ago, is not much different from today. More and more people roam the city streets in hunger and violence. Less and less people are able to gain employments. More professionals end up as call center agents. These, among so many reasons, are what drive many of us to choose the very difficult decision to leave our homeland for abroad, in our hopes for better lives because there seems to be no hope back home.

Those who had to bear a life away from loved ones remain the icons of hope, the beacons of inspiration, that one day all will be well in the Philippines. Your struggles in Australia reflect wondrous benefits for those whom you have asked to stay behind at home. The ukay-ukay, the remittances, the capital for both house and business, the alternative life of migration – these link Australia to the Philippines, and back.               
 
In this difficult world that we live in, let us continue to celebrate life, celebrate our culture. I thank you all for sharing your time and resources with me during these past five months. I would not have gone this far, with so many beautiful memories of Australia, without your companionship and generosity. I hope I too was able to impart some lessons in life to you, especially those whom I spent some time with. This is not goodbye, but, ‘til we meet again.

We’ve only just begun –
Before the risin' sun, we fly
So many roads to choose
We'll start out walkin' and learn to run
And yes, we've just begun 

And when the evening comes, we smile
So much of life ahead
We'll find a place where there's room to grow
And yes, we've just begun

(Mannja, Sydney, Australia, Dec. 2012)

Friday, March 2, 2012

Balao, et. al. vs. GMA, et. al, dissenting opinion



DISSENTING OPINION
 http://elibrary.judiciary.gov.ph/decisions.php?doctype=Decisions%20/%20Signed%20Resolutions&docid=13266737331586112301


SERENO, J.:

The majority Decision precariously steers budding Philippine jurisprudence on the writ of amparo to a course that threatens to diminish the preventive and curative functions of this judicial relief. As this Court emphasized in the landmark case of Secretary of National Defense v. Manalo,[1] the writ of amparo serves both preventive and curative roles in addressing the problem of extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances.[2] It is preventive in that it breaks the expectation of impunity in the commission of these offenses, and it is curative in that it facilitates the subsequent punishment of perpetrators by inevitably leading to subsequent investigation and action.[3]

In the instant case, the ponencia denies the grant of the privilege of the writ of amparo on the ground that the totality of evidence presented by petitioners in G.R. No. 186060 does not satisfy the degree of proof required by the Rule on the Writ of Amparo to establish that James Balao (Balao) was a victim of enforced disappearance, and that respondents in G.R. No. 186059 were accountable or responsible therefor. In examining this Decision, five issues ought to be considered.

A. Similarity between past abductions and
the present case of enforced disappearance


The majority is of the view that the “documented practice of targeting activists in the military’s counter-insurgency program by itself does not fulfill the evidentiary standards provided in the Amparo Rule xxx.” [4] Although I understand that the import of this statement is to the effect that establishing the existence of this practice should not be made the sole basis of determining responsibility or accountability in amparo caes, this ruling must nevertheless be clarified.

Section 17 of the Rule on the Writ of Amparo[5] prescribes the threshold of substantial evidence as necessary for establishing the claims of petitioners in G.R. No. 186050. While the substantial evidence rule remains the standard in amparo proceedings, flexibility should be observed. Courts must consider evidence adduced in its totality, including that which would otherwise be deemed inadmissible if consistent with the admissible evidence adduced.[6]

The ruling of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights in Velasquez Rodriguez v. Honduras[7] is worth noting. In that case, the tribunal found that once a pattern or practice of enforced disappearances supported or tolerated by the government is established, a present case of disappearance may be linked to that practice and proven through circumstantial evidence or logical inference, viz:

124. The Commission's argument relies upon the proposition that the policy of disappearances, supported or tolerated by the Government, is designed to conceal and destroy evidence of disappearances. When the existence of such a policy or practice has been shown, the disappearance of a particular individual may be proved through circumstantial or indirect evidence or by logical inference. Otherwise, it would be impossible to prove that an individual has been disappeared.

. . .    . . .    . . .

126. The Court finds no reason to consider the Commission's argument inadmissible. If it can be shown that there was an official practice of disappearances in Honduras, carried out by the Government or at least tolerated by it, and if the disappearance of Manfredo Velásquez can be linked to that practice, the Commission's allegations will have been proven to the Court's satisfaction, so long as the evidence presented on both points meets the standard of proof required in cases such as this. (Emphasis supplied.)

Following Velasquez Rodriguez, it may be established that enforced disappearances or extrajudicial killings naturally follow after a group’s political classification and/or vilification as communist. In the case at bar, the majority opinion already took judicial notice that once the military perceives an organization to be a communist front, the latter will automatically be considered as an enemy of the State and, therefore, a target for liquidation. Despite this finding, the majority refused to even examine how the present case fits this pattern or practice, and simply dismissed the allegations of petitioners in G.R. No. 186050 by saying that the existence of similarities between previous and present circumstances of abduction do not necessarily meet the standards under the Rule on the Writ of Amparo.

B. Command Responsibility 

The ponencia rejects the use of command responsibility in amparo proceedings on the ground that the manner of impleading commanders must be on the basis of their responsibility or accountability. It must be pointed out that the doctrine of command responsibility is not mutually exclusive with the standard of responsibility and accountability in amparo cases.

Boac v. Cadapan[8] gives guidance as to how the ostensible difference between command responsibility, on the one hand, and responsibility and accountability, on the other, can be reconciled as follows:

[C]ommand responsibility may be loosely applied in amparo cases in order to identify those accountable individuals that have the power to effectively implement whatever processes an amparo court would issue. In such application, the amparo court does not impute criminal responsibility but merely pinpoint the superiors it considers to be in the best position to protect the rights of the aggrieved party.

Such identification of the responsible and accountable superiors may well be a preliminary determination of criminal liability which, of course, is still subject to further investigation by the appropriate government agency. (Emphasis supplied.)

Further, in Noriel Rodriguez v. Arroyo,[9] this Court unanimously ruled in this manner:

Although originally used for ascertaining criminal complicity, the command responsibility doctrine has also found application in civil cases for human rights abuses. In the United States, for example, command responsibility was used in Ford v. Garcia and Romagoza v. Garcia – civil actions filed under the Alien Tort Claims Act and the Torture Victim Protection Act. This development in the use of command responsibility in civil proceedings shows that the application of this doctrine has been liberally extended even to cases not criminal in nature. Thus, it is our view that command responsibility may likewise find application in proceedings seeking the privilege of the writ of amparo. As we held in Rubrico:

It may plausibly be contended that command responsibility, as legal basis to hold military/police commanders liable for extra-legal killings, enforced disappearances,  or  threats,  may be made applicable to this

jurisdiction on the theory that the command responsibility doctrine now constitutes a principle of international law or customary international law in accordance with the incorporation clause of the Constitution.

…       …       …

If command responsibility were to be invoked and applied to these proceedings, it should, at most, be only to determine the author who, at the first instance, is accountable for, and has the duty to address, the disappearance and harassments complained of, so as to enable the Court to devise remedial measures that may be appropriate under the premises to protect rights covered by the writ of amparo. As intimated earlier, however, the determination should not be pursued to fix criminal liability on respondents preparatory to criminal prosecution, or as a prelude to administrative disciplinary proceedings under existing administrative issuances, if there be any. (Emphasis supplied.)

Precisely in the case at bar, the doctrine of command responsibility may be used to determine whether respondents are accountable for and have the duty to address the abduction of Rodriguez in order to enable the courts to devise remedial measures to protect his rights. Clearly, nothing precludes this Court from applying the doctrine of command responsibility in amparo proceedings to ascertain responsibility and accountability in extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances.

…       …       … 

As earlier pointed out, amparo proceedings determine (a) responsibility, or the extent the actors have been established by substantial evidence to have participated in whatever way, by action or omission, in an enforced disappearance, and (b) accountability, or the measure of remedies that should be addressed to those (i) who exhibited involvement in the enforced disappearance without bringing the level of their complicity to the level of responsibility defined above; or (ii) who are imputed with knowledge relating to the enforced disappearance and who carry the burden of disclosure; or (iii) those who carry, but have failed to discharge, the burden of extraordinary diligence in the investigation of the enforced disappearance. Thus, although there is no determination of criminal, civil or administrative liabilities, the doctrine of command responsibility may nevertheless be applied to ascertain responsibility and accountability within these foregoing definitions.

Thus, the doctrine of command responsibility may be used in amparo proceedings to the extent of identifying the superiors accountable for the enforced disappearance or extrajudicial killing, and those who may be directed to implement the processes and reliefs in the amparo case.

C.  Limited, superficial and one-sided investigation

The ponencia admits that the commanders and military officers impleaded as respondents in G.R. No. 186050 have taken very limited, superficial and one-sided actions and have “clearly failed to discharge their burden of extraordinary diligence in the investigation.”[10] Notwithstanding this explicit finding, the majority still refused the grant of the privilege of the writ. A faithful interpretation of the Rule on the Writ of Amparo, as well as existing jurisprudence, supports the contention that the failure to conduct an effective official investigation is precisely the reason why respondents in G.R. No. 1860589 should be held responsible or accountable for the enforced disappearance of Balao.

Section 1 of the Rule on the Writ of Amparo is clear that a violation of or threat to the right to life, liberty and security may be caused by either an act or an omission of a public official. In our jurisprudence on the writ of amparo, responsibility may refer to respondents’ participation – by action or omission – in enforced disappearance, while accountability may attach to respondents who are imputed with knowledge relating to the enforced disappearance and who carry the burden of disclosure; or those who carry, but have failed to discharge, the burden of extraordinary diligence in the investigation of the enforced disappearance.

Squarely passed upon in this Court’s ruling in Rodriguez[11] was the issue of whether the failure to conduct fair and effective investigation amounts to a violation of or threat to the right to life, liberty and security, viz:

The Rule on the Writ of Amparo explicitly states that the violation of or threat to the right to life, liberty and security may be caused by either an act or an omission of a public official. Moreover, in the context of amparo proceedings, responsibility may refer to the participation of the respondents, by action or omission, in enforced disappearance. Accountability, on the other hand, may attach to respondents who are imputed with knowledge relating to the enforced  disappearance and who carry the burden of disclosure; or those who carry, but have failed to discharge, the burden of extraordinary diligence in the investigation of the enforced disappearance.

In this regard, we emphasize our ruling in Secretary of National Defense v. Manalo that the right to security of a person includes the positive obligation of the government to ensure the observance of the duty to investigate, viz:

Third, the right to security of person is a guarantee of protection of one's rights by the government. In the context of the writ of Amparo, this right is built into the guarantees of the right to life and liberty under Article III, Section 1 of the 1987 Constitution and the right to security of person (as freedom from threat and guarantee of bodily and psychological integrity) under Article III, Section 2. The right to security of person in this third sense is a corollary of the policy that the State “guarantees full respect for human rights” under Article II, Section 11 of the 1987 Constitution. As the government is the chief guarantor of order and security, the Constitutional guarantee of the rights to life, liberty and security of person is rendered ineffective if government does not afford protection to these rights especially when they are under threat. Protection includes conducting effective investigations, organization of the government apparatus to extend protection to victims of extralegal killings or enforced disappearances (or threats thereof) and/or their families, and bringing offenders to the bar of justice. The Inter-American Court of Human Rights stressed the importance of investigation in the Velasquez Rodriguez Case, viz:

(The duty to investigate) must be undertaken in a serious manner and not as a mere formality preordained to be ineffective. An investigation must have an objective and be assumed by the State as its own legal duty, not as a step taken by private interests that depends upon the initiative of the victim or his family or upon their offer of proof, without an effective search for the truth by the government.
…    …     …
Similarly, the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) has interpreted the “right to security” not only as prohibiting the State from arbitrarily depriving liberty, but imposing a positive duty on the State to afford protection of the right to liberty. The ECHR interpreted the “right to security of person” under Article 5(1) of the European Convention of Human Rights in the leading case on disappearance of persons, Kurt v. Turkey. In this case, the claimant's son had been arrested by state authorities and had not been seen since. The family's requests for information and investigation regarding his whereabouts proved futile. The claimant suggested that this was a violation of her son's right to security of person. The ECHR ruled, viz:

... any deprivation of liberty must not only have been effected in conformity with the substantive and procedural rules of national law but must equally be in keeping with the very purpose of Article 5, namely to protect the individual from arbitrariness... Having assumed control over that individual it is incumbent on the authorities to account for his or her whereabouts. For this reason, Article 5 must be seen as requiring the authorities to take effective measures to safeguard against the risk of disappearance and to conduct a prompt effective investigation into an arguable claim that a person has been taken into custody and has not been seen since.

In the instant case, this Court rules that respondents in G.R. No. 191805 are responsible or accountable for the violation of Rodriguez’s right to life, liberty and security on account of their abject failure to conduct a fair and effective official investigation of his ordeal in the hands of the military. Respondents Gen. Ibrado, PDG. Verzosa, Lt. Gen. Bangit, Maj. Gen. Ochoa, Col. De Vera and Lt. Col. Mina only conducted a perfunctory investigation, exerting no efforts to take Ramirez’s account of the events into consideration. Rather, these respondents solely relied on the reports and narration of the military. The ruling of the appellate court must be emphasized:

In this case, respondents Ibrado, Verzosa, Bangit, Tolentino, Santos, De Vera, and Mina are accountable, for while they were charged with the investigation of the subject incident, the investigation they conducted and/or relied on is superficial and one-sided. The records disclose that the military, in investigating the incident complained of, depended on the Comprehensive Report of Noriel Rodriguez @Pepito prepared by 1Lt. Johnny Calub for the Commanding Officer of the 501st Infantry Brigade, 5th Infantry Division, Philippine Army. Such report, however, is merely based on the narration of the military. No efforts were undertaken to solicit petitioner’s version of the subject incident and no witnesses were questioned regarding the alleged abduction of petitioner.
…   …     …
Clearly, the absence of a fair and effective official investigation into the claims of Rodriguez violated his right to security, for which respondents in G.R. No. 191805 must be held responsible or accountable. (Emphasis supplied.)

Following the ruling in Rodriguez, an explicit finding by the majority that respondents conducted a superficial and ineffective investigation should be enough basis to hold them responsible or accountable for the disappearance of Balao under the Rule on the Writ of Amparo.

D.    Presidential immunity from suit

The majority Decision states that former President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo (former President Arroyo) should have been accorded presidential immunity, as she was the incumbent President when the present Petitions were filed. This position is not in accord with the ruling of this Court in Estrada v. Desierto,[12] in which it was explicitly held that a non-sitting President does not enjoy immunity from suit even for acts committed during the latter’s tenure, viz:

We reject [Estrada’s] argument that he cannot be prosecuted for the reason that he must first be convicted in the impeachment proceedings. The impeachment trial of petitioner Estrada was aborted by the walkout of the prosecutors and by the events that led to his loss of the presidency. Indeed, on February 7, 2001, the Senate passed Senate Resolution      No. 83 “Recognizing that the Impeachment Court is Functus Officio.” Since the Impeachment Court is now functus officio, it is untenable for petitioner to demand that he should first be impeached and then convicted before he can be prosecuted. The plea if granted, would put a perpetual bar against his prosecution. Such a submission has nothing to commend itself for it will place him in a better situation than a non-sitting President who has not been subjected to impeachment proceedings and yet can be the object of a criminal prosecution. To be sure, the debates in the Constitutional Commission make it clear that when impeachment proceedings have become moot due to the resignation of the President, the proper criminal and civil cases may already be filed against him, viz:
. . .    . . .    . . .

“Mr. Aquino. On another point, if an impeachment proceeding has been filed against the President, for example, and the President resigns before judgment of conviction has been rendered by the impeachment court or by the body, how does it affect the impeachment proceeding? Will it be necessarily dropped?

Mr. Romulo. If we decide the purpose of impeachment to remove one from office, then his resignation would render the case moot and academic. However, as the provision says, the criminal and civil aspects of it may continue in the ordinary courts.”

This is in accord with our ruling in In Re: Saturnino Bermudez that “incumbent Presidents are immune from suit or from being brought to court during the period of their incumbency and tenure” but not beyond.

…    …     …
We now come to the scope of immunity that can be claimed by petitioner as a non-sitting President. The cases filed against petitioner Estrada are criminal in character. They involve plunder, bribery and graft and corruption. By no stretch of the imagination can these crimes, especially plunder which carries the death penalty, be covered by the alleged mantle of immunity of a non-sitting president. Petitioner cannot cite any decision of this Court licensing the President to commit criminal acts and wrapping him with post-tenure immunity from liability. It will be anomalous to hold that immunity is an inoculation from liability for unlawful acts and omissions. The rule is that unlawful acts of public officials are not acts of the State and the officer who acts illegally is not acting as such but stands in the same footing as any other trespasser.

Indeed, a critical reading of current literature on executive immunity will reveal a judicial disinclination to expand the privilege especially when it impedes the search for truth or impairs the vindication of a right. In the 1974 case of US v. Nixon, US President Richard Nixon, a sitting President, was subpoenaed to produce certain recordings and documents relating to his conversations with aids and advisers. Seven advisers of President Nixon's associates were facing charges of conspiracy to obstruct justice and other offenses which were committed in a burglary of the Democratic National Headquarters in Washington's Watergate Hotel during the 1972 presidential campaign. President Nixon himself was named an unindicted co-conspirator. President Nixon moved to quash the subpoena on the ground, among others, that the President was not subject to judicial process and that he should first be impeached and removed from office before he could be made amenable to judicial proceedings. The claim was rejected by the US Supreme Court. It concluded that “when the ground for asserting privilege as to subpoenaed materials sought for use in a criminal trial is based only on the generalized interest in confidentiality, it cannot prevail over the fundamental demands of due process of law in the fair administration of criminal justice.” In the 1982 case of Nixon v. Fitzgerald, the US Supreme Court further held that the immunity of the President from civil damages covers only “official acts.” Recently, the US Supreme Court had the occasion to reiterate this doctrine in the case of Clinton v. Jones where it held that the US President's immunity from suits for money damages arising out of their official acts is inapplicable to unofficial conduct.[13] (Emphasis supplied.)

In this Court’s Resolution in Estrada v. Desierto,[14] it was emphasized that presidential immunity from suit exists only in concurrence with the President’s incumbency:

Petitioner stubbornly clings to the contention that he is entitled to absolute immunity from suit. His arguments are merely recycled and we need not prolong the longevity of the debate on the subject. In our Decision, we exhaustively traced the origin of executive immunity in our jurisdiction and its bends and turns up to the present time. We held that given the intent of the 1987 Constitution to breathe life to the policy that a public office is a public trust, the petitioner, as a non-sitting President, cannot claim executive immunity for his alleged criminal acts committed while a sitting President. Petitioner's rehashed arguments including their thinly disguised new spins are based on the rejected contention that he is still President, albeit, a President on leave. His stance that his immunity covers his entire term of office or until June 30, 2004 disregards the reality that he has relinquished the presidency and there is now a new de jure President.

Petitioner goes a step further and avers that even a non-sitting President enjoys immunity from suit during his term of office. He buttresses his position with the deliberations of the Constitutional Commission, viz:

“Mr. Suarez. Thank you.

The last question is with reference to the Committee's omitting in the draft proposal the immunity provision for the President. I agree with Commissioner Nolledo that the Committee did very well in striking out this second sentence, at the very least, of the original provision on immunity from suit under the 1973 Constitution. But would the Committee members not agree to a restoration of at least the first sentence that the president shall be immune from suit during his tenure, considering that if we do not provide him that kind of an immunity, he might be spending all his time facing litigations, as the President-in-exile in Hawaii is now facing litigations almost daily?

Fr. Bernas:

The reason for the omission is that we consider it understood in present jurisprudence that during his tenure he is immune from suit.

Mr. Suarez:

So there is no need to express it here.

Fr. Bernas:

There is no need. It was that way before. The only innovation made by the 1973 Constitution was to make that explicit and to add other things.

Mr. Suarez:

On the understanding, I will not press for any more query, madam President.

I thank the Commissioner for the clarification.”

Petitioner, however, fails to distinguish between term and tenure. The term means the time during which the officer may claim to hold the office as of right, and fixes the interval after which the several incumbents shall succeed one another. The tenure represents the term during which the incumbent actually holds office. The tenure may be shorter than the term for reasons within or beyond the power of the incumbent. From the deliberations, the intent of the framers is clear that the immunity of the president from suit is concurrent only with his tenure and not his term.[15] (Emphasis supplied.)

In the present case, the filing of the Petitions during the incumbency of former President Arroyo should not be a reason for according her presidential immunity. Thus, it would be legally imprecise to dismiss the present case as against former President Arroyo on account of presidential immunity from suit. Rather, the dismissal should be on a finding that petitioners in G.R. No. 186050 failed to make allegations or adduce evidence to show her responsibility or accountability for violation of or threat to Balao’s right to life, liberty and security.

E.     Referral to the trial court for further investigation by the Philippine National Police (PNP) and the Criminal Investigation and Detection Group (CIDG)

The ponencia orders the referral of this case back to the trial court for further investigation by the PNP and CIDG. As previously discussed, an explicit finding of absence of a fair and effective investigation should have been sufficient to grant the privilege of the writ of amparo. After all, there is no finding of criminal, civil or administrative liability in amparo proceedings. In fact, granting the privilege of the writ may include an order instructing respondents to conduct further investigation, if such a directive is deemed as an appropriate remedial measure under the premises to protect the rights under the writ.

In closing, it is worthy to consider that in disposing of cases involving extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances for which the writ of amparo is sought, this Court must always go back to its pronouncement in Secretary of National Defense emphasizing the twin roles of the writ of amparo. This judicial relief, far from pinning administrative, civil or criminal culpability on respondents, was crafted to serve as a preventive and curative tool to address these human rights violations. Unfortunately, by refusing the maximize the possible measure of remedies allowed under the Rule on the Writ of Amparo and enunciated in domestic and international jurisprudence, the majority Decision ultimately dilutes the power of the writ.



[1] G..R. No. 180906, 7 October 2008, 568 SCRA 1.

[2] Id at 43.

[3] Id.

[4] Majority Decision, p. 22.

[5] A.M. No. 07-9-12-SC.

[6] Razon v. Tagitis, G.R. No. 182498, 3 December 2009, 606 SCRA 598; Resolution, 16 February 2010, 612 SCRA 685.

[7] Judgment of 29 July 1988, Inter-Am.Ct.H.R. (Sec. C) No. 4 (1988).

[8] G.R. Nos. 184461-2, 31 May 2011.

[9] G.R. No. 191805, 15 November 2011.

[10] Majority Decision, pp. 25 and 28.

[11] Supra note 9.

[12] G.R. Nos. 146710-15, 146738, 2 March 2001, 353 SCRA 452.

[13] Id. at 521-523.

[14] Resolution in G.R. Nos. 146710-15, 146738, 3 April 2001, 356 SCRA 108.

[15] Id. at 149-150.

I Hate Going to the Banks

I have very little money, but I still keep it in the bank before I realize too late that it's gone down the drain. But I hate going to the banks, not just because I have only a small money there and I see all these other customers flapping their thick piles of money for deposit or which were withdrawn, and I always ask myself why others have so much and others have so little, but more because of the inconvenience of transacting in a bank these days.

All banks have this number system where you take a number or you are assigned one, so that you do not have to all stand up in line for long periods before reaching the front line. Although there are still banks that have these long queues, as if people are lining up for food ration or something life-saving. Still, there are a few banks where you can input into a computer your transaction so that when your number is called, the teller/cashier already knows what transaction you are going to make. But even with all innovations in the banks, there seem to be an indifference on the part of the banks on the inconvenience brought about by a large number of clients inside the bank congesting the floor, waiting for their number to be called. On most occasions, when you see a jam-packed bank, it is because there is just one or two tellers/counters attending to them. Either the rest are on their break, or are attending to more important clients who have large deposits in the bank. And the bank does not care much if their office is bursting with exasperated people who have to wait for unreasonably long time before getting served.

Some cheesed off clients would rather change banks specially when they see the newly opened banks on the next block with very few clients. They can enjoy fast banking transactions and they leave the banks with their smiles intact. After a few months however, these other banks would still pose the same exhausting banking experience.

There are a few banks who now offer online transactions where one does not need to go to the bank because transactions maybe made online. But this has yet to solve the exhausting queues in the bank as seen in reality. And even with these online provisions, many transactions still need your personal appearance at the bank.

These poor people who have to bear the exasperation of seeing their time wasted while waiting for their turns in the banks, are not even given any comfort by the environment in the bank. The use of cellular phones are not allowed, so one cannot even start playing some games on the phone to while the time. They provide couches but even if one gets so very sleepy waiting for his/her turn, nobody can sleep otherwise the security guards will be at your back tapping you and waking you up.

I just want a banking experience where you wear a smile both when you enter and you exit. I hate the long lines. I hate it when the bank does not provide immediate solutions to long queues. If only there's another safe way of keeping my small but hard earned money, I would not go to the bank.

Tuesday, November 29, 2011

Remarks on the Arrest and Detention of Gloria Macapagal Arroyo

Remarks on the arrest and detention of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo

Communist Party of the Philippines
23 November 2011


  1. It took the Aquino regime exactly 505 days to file criminal charges and effect the arrest and detention of former Philippine president Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. In comparison, it took the former Arroyo regime eighty-five days to charge and incarcerate former President Joseph Estrada. While pleased with the filing of charges, the Filipino people cannot ignore the great delay with which it took the Aquino regime to finally move forward in prosecuting Arroyo for her crimes against the people.
  2. The Aquino regime chose to file charges on one of the least consequential among the numerous number of contemptible crimes committed by Gloria Arroyo during her nine-year regime. For the Filipino people, the manipulation of the results of the 2007 elections in Maguindanao to favor Arroyo’s senatorial candidates—while reprehensible in itself—pales in comparison to the following crimes:
    1. the outright rigging of the 2004 polls in which her hands-on role in ensuring her electoral victory over presidential candidate Fernando Poe, Jr was publicly exposed in the “Hello Garci” tapes.
    2. the multibillion peso bribery case involving the Philippine government’s National Broadband Network deal with China’s ZTE Corporation where Arroyo, her husband Mike and a number of her key officals were directly involved as shown by the investigations conducted by the Philippine senate in 2007.
    3. the P728-million Fertilizer Fund Scam where key officials of the Arroyo government were proven to have diverted funds for use in the 2004 elections; the misuse of the P325 million PCSO intelligence funds; the diversion and misuse of the P550 million overseas workers welfare fund; the overpricing of the Diosdado Macapagal Boulevard; and the 2001 IMPSA bribery deal, among others.
    4. the campaign of extrajudicial killings and widespread reign of terror and violations of human rights perpetrated by the AFP under the direct orders of key Malacañang officials under Arroyo’s Oplan Bantay Laya. In hearings held in The Hague in 2007, the Permanent People’s Tribunal found Gloria Arroyo and the Bush regime of the US responsible for gross and systematic violations of human rights, economic plunder and transgression of the Filipino people’s sovereignty.
  3. Not a few people are dismayed at the hospital arrest of Gloria Arroyo, not so much because they are insensitive to her medical condition, but because they are acutely aware of the Filipino people’s desire for justice. Very few are sympathetic to Arroyo and have outrightly raised doubts as to the severity of her illness. They are scandalized by the P50,000 a day five-star accomodations at her hospital “detention cell.” They cannot help but recall how she and her ilk basked in power, amassed and stashed away vast amounts of money, wined, dined and partied, ordered the persecution of her enemies and the silencing of dissent. Arroyo cannot expect much sympathy from the Filipino who suffered the grave consequences of her regime’s plunderous, brutal and puppet rule.
  4. By filing charges and detaining Gloria Arroyo, the Aquino regime has earned some brownie points. Aquino is on a PR swing, taking full advantage of the public attention generated by the Arroyo arrest. Aquino is only too eager to ride the anti-Arroyo bandwagon to obscure the failure of his fallacious campaign promise of resolving the people’s poverty by eliminating or reducing corruption. After failing to address the most pressing problems of the people, Aquino needs to prop-up Arroyo as the archetype of corruption in order to draw away attention from the outstanding socio-economic problems arising from his regime’s antipeople, anti-democratic and antinational policies.
  5. The political and legal maneuvers and counter-maneuvers leading to the Arroyos’ attempt to leave the country and the last-minute filing of charges and arrest of Arroyo underscore the deep fissures among the ranks of the ruling classes. However, we must not forget that there has been a long history of collaboration between these two families. In the 2010 elections, the Aquinos and the Arroyos made agreements of convenience under the US’ auspices which ensured Aquino’s automated victory and the smooth transition of power.
  6. The filing of criminal charges against Arroyo and her arrest has strengthened the people’s determination to push through with efforts to attain justice for the crimes committed by the previous regime. There is a growing clamor from different sectors to charge Arroyo for all her past crimes. Relatives of the victims of the Maguindanao massacre have been emboldened to hold Arroyo accountable for arming and propping up the Ampatuan private army. The slew of cases that can be be filed against Arroyo will make it difficult for her to forge arrangements to secure acquittals or receive an Estrada-style pardon.
  7. The Filipino people demand that the full weight of justice be meted out against Gloria Macapagal Arroyo. They intend to exercise the utmost vigilance and continue to vigorously push for the prosecution and punishment of Arroyo and her ilk for the crimes committed during their plunderous and fascist rule. They are guarding against any sort of accomodation for Arroyo.
  8. The Filipino people will not lose sight of the need to push for fundamental changes in the ruling socio-economic and political system. They are fully aware that the prosecution and punishment of Arroyo, while correct and just, will not resolve their most pressing problems. They will continue to resist the policies of the Aquino regime that favor foreign big corporations and their local big business partners and have resulted in severe unemployment, low wages, landlessness, spiralling prices of petroleum, food and other basic commodities and cuts in social spending.

Wednesday, October 26, 2011



 
*The cost of killing Gaddafi*
 
 
  
In 2009 Libya was a friend to the US so much so that Libya allowed several US corporate giants to enter & approval was given for training of Libyan security personnel & civilians. These were the civilians that eventually became “rebels” given arms by the West to overthrow Gaddafi in a movement called “liberating Libya”. Arming locals has become a new strategy to avoid deaths to coalition forces while NATO is tasked to take on the indiscriminate air strikes. So what has been the cost for killing a man who has ruled a nation for 42 years without debt to the IMF or the World Bank? It took 8 months for US-NATO to take over Libya, the pro-US Libyan Government may celebrate & rejoice but that celebration is as short-lived as the jubilations in Iraq & Egypt where the people are beginning to realize their country would have still been better off with Saddam Hussein & HosniMubarak! 
  
The world needs to know that Gaddafi gave Libyans. Education in Libya is free to everyone from elementary school right up to university and post-graduate study, at home or abroad, Libyans enjoy free health care, ratio of one doctor per 673 citizens. Libyans are given interest free housing loans, free land for farmers. In 2010, Libya ranked 53rd on the Human Development Index (out of 170 U.N. member states),<http://hdr.undp.org/en/media/Lets-Talk-HD-HDI_2010.pdf>making it a “high human development” country, electricity is free for all its citizens. if a Libyan buys a car, the government subsidized 50% of the price. price of petrol in Libya is $0.14 per litre. Libya has no external debt and its reserves amount to $150 billion – now frozen globally A mother who gave birth to a child receives US$5,000.  40 loaves of bread in Libya costs $ 0.15.  25% of Libyans have a university degree, All newlyweds in Libya receive $60,000 Dinar (US$50,000) by the government to buy their first apartment so to help start up the family. Prior to the international sanction placed on Gaddafi & Libya in the 1980s, it was one of the richest in the world by GDP per capita – with a living standard higher than Japan. It was the richest in Africa before the revolution. Libya is the only country in North Africa where terrorists do not exist. Fundamentalists have no voice whatsoever in Libya. Not a single terror-incident has been recorded in Libya during Gaddafi’s regime. Gaddafi is no saint but the above examples show that the qualities of leadership that made Libya what it was need to be benchmarked against what the US & West have in store for Libya that has been 
purposely destroyed to advance the agenda of the West. 
  
With the death of Gaddafi the most important question is where are the 50,000 people that Gaddafi is supposed to have killed prior to US-NATO forces attacking Libya? Clearly the “genocide” claim is a lie – a little too late as the objective of killing Gaddafi has been achieved. 
  
The number of civilian casualties as a result of US-NATO airstrikes, rebel attacks & pro-Government forces range between 1000 & 10,000. These remain only “estimates”. Mainstream media has erred in blaming deaths caused by pro-Gaddafi totally ignoring the reality that the majority of deaths would have resulted by the indiscriminate bombing by US-NATO air strikes. NATO cannot deny that it has purposely targeted civilian infrastructure – hospitals (Al-Tajura Hospital & Saladin Hospital in Ain Zara), power generating facilities, water purification systems, tv stations & other communication networks, civilian airports, schools, government buildings & residential complexes. The purpose of such bombings is obviously to destroy the country’s institutions. The UN Human Rights organization or other human rights bodies seem to care little for the realism behind the exercise of freeing Libya & at the fatalities that has been caused by NATO which has no mandate whatsoever to carry out air strikes on Libya. What these 
international bodies are doing to humanity is a shame & a crime for which 
all of them must be tried for holding office & remaining silent over crimes 
taking place under false motives & concocted lies. 
  
Thus the “humanitarian” bombing campaign part of the R2P agenda is part & parcel of a new military strategy carved by the West & a major component of this strategy is to destroy civilian infrastructure. This methodology was applied in Yugoslavia & Iraq where bridges, power plants, water systems, cultural & historical heritages, schools & hospitals were all identified as “legitimate military targets” validated in advance. In Yugoslavia the civilian economy was the target. 
  
The US military intervention in Libya has cost America USD896million. While UK tax payers have to fork out £200m & likely to cost up to £1bn & rising just to kill one man! In all the operation to free Libya of Gaddafi would have cost USD2billion. 
  
  
The USA is morally and financially broke, uneducated and sick but it is its arrogance that continues to think that all nations must bow down to US dictates. Gaddafi’s Libya will soon find out what it is like to live in a country without Gaddafi’s charisma in a country that is soon likely to be fleeced by the West. Where people will be broke, without money, hungry, paying for all services but reminded all the while that they are “free, liberated & enjoying the fruits of human rights”. In the meanwhile, the US will ensure friction amongst tribes in Libya so that turmoil will prevail just like they are doing in Iraq & Afghanistan while Western oil giants cease the oil, gold & all natural resources that Libya possesses which in reality was the reason for the whole exercise of humanitarian intervention. 
  
It is not difficult to comprehend the trend that is taking place & the dangers of the West’s financial turmoil will mean further “humanitarian” operations on targeted nations & the basis for the next stop being Syria is already under way. 
  
Let all US-NATO nations realize that the people of the world are no fools. Citizens of these nations may be fooled since mainstream media have blinded them with lies & false versions to brainwash them but nemesis for the innocent deaths will follow US-NATO & their leaders for the destruction they are doing to the people, the environment & to nations throughout the past decade. 

(reposted from a friend's email)